Global Research Journal of Education received 152 citations as per Google Scholar report
Received: 15-Nov-2022, Manuscript No. GRJE-22-84522; Editor assigned: 18-Nov-2022, Pre QC No. GRJE-22-84522 (PQ); Reviewed: 02-Dec-2022, QC No. GRJE-22-84522; Revised: 08-Dec-2022, Manuscript No. GRJE-22-84522 (R); Published: 16-Dec-2022, DOI: 10.15651/2408-6894.22.10.143
The concept of knowledge being "situated" reflecting its social, political, and intellectual settings as well as the ideals of those involved in its creation is now widely accepted. This acknowledgement offers geographers a particularly intriguing viewpoint. It is also evident that women have played a major role in the development of gender scholarship within the discipline since the 1970s, though this need not be the case, and that the presence of women as geographers in particular contexts has an impact on where and what gender-related research and writing has emerged. While this is happening, there are rising worries among geographers outside of the Anglophone world more specifically, outside the Anglo- American world that alternative geographic traditions are being marginalised by academia and that a growing hegemony is impoverishing our field.
The use of feminist theory and research methods is to comprehend human geography. Feminism aims to look into, expose, confront, and transform gendered disparities in society. Men and women often experience different patterns of spatial activity, behaviour, and placerelated experiences, which is one way these divisions frequently show as spatial divisions. Thus, the goal of feminist geography has been to attack the apparent validity and naturalness of gender and spatial boundaries while also attempting to comprehend their relationship. Examining gender roles and divisions in geography as a discipline, including study areas, geography's history and practise, the proportion of men and women working as professional geographers, and career paths, is one aspect of this. Another is challenging how geographical research is conceptualised and carried out. The second wave feminist movement of the 1960s and the radical geography challenge to explore and transform spatial boundaries in society served as the foundation for the development of feminist geography starting in the late 1970s. One main claim was that geographers had, up until that point, mostly overlooked gender norms and the unequal power and positions of men and women in society.
Early research showed that gender relations were a result of and reflected in society's geographical organisation. Men and women have diverse spatial connections with regard to access to public and private space and time-geographies due to material differences in access to labour, wealth, power, and status. Women are more prone than men to engage in spatial behaviour that is confined to the home and defined by childcare and household responsibilities, as well as to work that supports these responsibilities, such as a part-time job that is located close to where they live. It was demonstrated that patriarchy, which is ingrained in social, political, and economic institutions as well as popular discourse and the media, reproduces these disparities by attempting to preserve a persistent, gendered power structure. The interrelationships between patriarchy, identity, embodiment, and spatial subjectivities, as well as how their entwinement results in gendered, embodied, and emotional geographies, were highlighted by feminist geographers in later works. Importantly, a feminist study has also looked at the various ways that gendered divisions change through time, across location and cultures, and historically and geographically. These studies demonstrate how gender relations have changed over time in specific locations and how they are constructed and experienced differently depending on the location.
We put together a dataset of household surveys from 30,509 sampling clusters comprising more than 689,000 homes using the Demographic and Health Surveys project. DHS surveys measure the health and happiness of a nation's women, men, and children on a nationwide level. We took two important measures of a household's welfare from this dataset: first, the number of owned hectares that are suitable for agricultural; and second, a wealth asset index. In most of the developing world, land is the most crucial component of family production, so we presumed that, all else being equal, households with more agricultural land are better off than those with less.
The wealth index, which includes a core set of assets measured across all countries (such as the state of housing, water supply, communications, and sanitation facilities) as well as country-specific indicators of welfare, is an overall metric of the accumulation of physical capital related to human well-being per household. For each of the 30,509 villages/communities in our dataset, we estimated a gender inequality ratio for both indices by dividing the average land (wealth) value for households headed by men by the corresponding average value in households headed by women. However, because DHS surveys are intended to represent national populations in developing nations, they are a representative sample of more than 70% of people in sub-Saharan Africa, the world's poorest region, as well as significant regions of Asia and Latin America. Despite the fact that our data are not globally comprehensive, they do cover significant regions of Asia and Latin America.